Abstract
This thesis investigates three different aspects of syntax, namely restructuring, applicativization and verb-initiality, under the Minimalist framework (Chomsky 2001, 2003), with special reference to Bunun, an Autronesian language spoken in Taiwan. It is found that the class of the restructuring predicates in Takibakha includes adverbial heads, aspectual verbs, part of the “subject-control” lexical verbs, including desirative and emotion verbs, but does not contain motion verbs, easy-predicates. Moreover, a morphosyntactic asymmetry on the verbal complements is observed between AV-marked and NAV-marked restructuring predicates. What is more, the restructuring complements are never fronted with the restructuring predicates and thus appear clause-finally. It is argued that the verbal complement in AV contexts is a full-fledged vP whereas the verbal complement in NAV contexts is a defective agent-less vP. This defective vP cannot value Case, which is why the lowest DO must enter into Agree relation with the upper T. Hence, restructuring actually occurs in NAV contexts only. It is proposed that the observed asymmetric applicative morphology and complementation can be captured by a more fine-grained vP, in terms of Split vP analysis, where the expletive applicative, spelled out as is-, is licensed by lower v while the other applicatives as well as the agent are licensed by Voice. It is also proposed that the verb-initial word order of this language is attributed to V-to-C (Fin0) movement. This study provides some clues to the debating linguistic issues. First, it provides supporting evidence for a split vP structure. Second, it provides new evidence against Pylkkänen’s (2008) proposed “low” applicative. Third, V raising analysis is favored over VP raising analysis in the case of Takibakha. Lastly, new evidence is offered contra Case Agreement approach proposed by Rackowski (2002) and Rackowski & Richards (2005).