Abstract
This thesis gives an overview of the Yami phonemic inventory, syllabification, stress, and the interaction of vowel-glide sequences. The three topics are interrelated to each other. This thesis is divided into three parts. The first part discusses the phonemic status of segments through phonological, morphological, and historical evidence. The phonemic statuses of the affricates and pharyngeal segments are the focuses. Yami syllable structure and their constraints for derived syllables [CGV(C)] are depicted in the second part. The third part introduces the underlying glides and derived glides in the OT framework. The voiced uvular fricative /ʁ/ is proved to block vowel deletion in /aʁa/ sequence. Tautosyllabic consonant clusters do not exist in Yami. Epenthesis, affixation or cross-morphemic resyllabification are ways for Yami to repair ill-formed syllables. As for derived syllables, a potential acoustic account for onset and the following vocalic glide [w] in derived syllable [CwV(C)]. I assume that [t͡ɕjV(C)] or [d͡z jV(C)] syllables are developed from optionally derived syllable [CjV(C)] of /CVV(C)/ but now the affricate is phonemic and [CjV(C)] is the surface form of /CV(C)/. It implies that the [CjVC] syllable causes affricates to go through phonemicization, and the glide [j] therefore becomes a transitional segment. It is likely for [ɲ, ɕ, ɮ] becoming phonemic in the future because /n, ʂ, l/ have tendency to form [CjV(C)] syllable. In the third part, the underlying glides and the derived glides are delineated and distinguished. The hierarchy of OT constraints accounts for how underlying glides, epenthetic glides, and vocalic glides interact in prosodic words. The consistent [vocalic] feature and the syllable position are correlated: the [vocalic] feature of the segment determines the segment’s position in a syllable; the [vocalic] feature of an epenthetic glide must fit the syllable structure.