Abstract
The aim of this thesis is two-fold. First, I will investigate the Double Object Constructions in Taiwan Southern Min (TSM). Second, I will provide topography for the Applicative constrictions in TSM. Concerning the first part, contrary to Cheng et al. (1996), I will propose that the Dative hoo involves a different syntactic construction vis-□-vis the Causative hoo in TSM. Specifically, the dative goal DP (indirect object) is introduced by the Low Appl head hoo situated below VP (cf. McGinnis 2001). The possession relation between the goal (dative) DP and the theme DP is constructed via such Low Applicative Construction (cf. Cuervo 2003). On the other hand, the Causative hoo occupies the v head denoting a CAUSATIVE meaning. As for the second part, based upon Tsai’s (2007, 2009) three-way distinction of applicatives in Mandarin Chinese, I will draw topography of the Applicative constructions in TSM. Tsai (2007, 2009) proposes that there are at least three types of applicative constructions in Mandarin — High Applicatives, Middle Applicatives, and Low Applicatives. The affectee and the beneficiary marked by the overt marker gei ‘give’ belong to the High Applicatives and Middle Applicatives, respectively; on the other hand, the unmarked affectee and beneficiary, in the form of the pseudo-DOC construction, instantiate the Middle Applicatives and Low Applicatives, respectively. It is observed that, compared with Mandarin, which employs two approaches in introducing the affectee or the beneficiary argument, i.e. with an overt marker gei or in the form of pseudo-DOC, TSM also has these two types of construals. The affectee and the beneficiary in TSM can either be marked by ka, or be headed by an implicit applicative head in the form of pseudo-DOC. However, TSM is freer than Mandarin in that it permits both strategies in the Middle and Low Applicative constructions. Finally, this thesis also examines the hierarchical relations between the Applicative constructions and adverbs in TSM in a cartographic approach (Rizzi 1997, Cinque 1999). It is found that some adverbs can serve as suitable boundary markers in separating different Applicative constructions in TSM. For instance, sentential adverbs, such as tsiannsit ‘really’, in the CP layer, must precede all the three Applicative constructions; eventive adverbs, e.g. tianntiann ‘often’, are located in Spec,vP between High Applicatives and Middle Applicatives; and manner adverbs, like banban-a ‘slowly’, are situated in Spec,VP between Middle Applicatives and Low Applicatives. The system of the Applicative constructions in TSM is sketched in (1) below. (1) TSM Applicatives a. High applicatives: associated with the CP phase → involved in the arrangement of the information structure. → introducing ka-marked affectee/speaker. b. Middle applicatives: associated with the vP phase → involved in the arrangement of the event structure. → introducing ka-marked or unmarked affectee. c. Low applicatives: associated with the lower VP shell → involved in the arrangement of the argument structure. → introducing ka-marked or unmarked beneficiary. (→ introducing hoo-marked dative DP.)