Abstract
Sluicing, the construction of a wh-phrase followed by an (empty) elliptical part, has been an intricate issue discussed since Ross (1969). Most literature states that the elliptical part is an IP, and the wh-phrase is immune from ellipsis since it either wh-moves (PF Deletion, cf. Takahashi 1994) or is base-generated in [Spec, CP] (LF Copying, cf. Chung et al 1995).I follow PF Deletion approach and this approach requires that wh-movement take place overtly prior to IP ellipsis at PF. However, it is well known that Chinese lacks overt wh-movement. For Sluicing, I propose that wh-phrases in Chinese may utilize Focus Movement, moving into the Spec of Focus Phrase (FP) (cf. Rizzi 1997). Syntactically, focus movement presumes the new functional projection FP and it is the functional head F that licenses IP ellipsis (Lobeck 1995). Morphologically, wh-phrases in Chinese, as proposed by Li (1992) and Tsai (1999), differ from those in English in that wh-phrases in Chinese are not operators that move. Semantically, the sluices always contrast with their antecedents and the focus of the sluices always falls on the wh-phrases. (cf. Merchant 1999)Further evidence comes from the investigation of the multiple wh-construction in Chinese. The evidence shows that when a wh-phrase in Chinese moves overtly, it is never located in [Spec, CP]. This supports my focus movement analysis. The final part of this thesis focuses on shi support found in Chinese Sluicing. Shi support also plays a crucial role to prove that the wh-phrase in Chinese Sluicing in fact undergoes focus movement.All in all, I demonstrate in this thesis that a wh-phrase in Chinese undergoes focus movement prior to IP ellipsis when Sluicing applies.