摘要
In this remark, I first show that a Lewis-Kratzer-von Fintel style semantics of conditionals and modals (Lewis 1973; Kratzer 1991a, b; von Fintel 1994; a.o.) together with the downward-entailing-based (DE-based) approach to the licensing of negative polarity items (NPIs) incorrectly predicts that NPIs are ungrammatical in the if-clause of a conditional with a possibility modal in the main clause (i.e., a conditional of the form if p, ◇q; henceforth, CPM; e.g., If John has ever been to Paris, he might become a good chef). I then list three possible solutions to this problem to be explored in future work. © The Author 2013.