摘要
The paper investigates the syntactic behavior and semantic constraints of four types of aspectual particles (1) 夭 iau 2 /夭故 iau 2 koh 4 ‘still’, (2) 已經i 2 king 1 ‘already’, (3) 夭未 iau 2 be 7 ‘not…yet’, and (4) 毋 m 7 /無 bo 5 /勿 mai 3 /免 bien 2 故 koh 4 ‘not…any more’ in Taiwanese Southern Min (TSM). In line with Löbner (1989) it examines the interaction between aspectual particles and event types. The four types of aspectual particles can be better captured in terms of the notion of two consecutive event types: event 1 (Ev1) and event 2 (Ev2) coupled with the value of existence and non-existence of a situation symbolized by [+] and [-]. Type 1 and 3 share the common element 夭 iau 2 and Type 1 and 4, the common element 故 koh 4 . Whereas not…yet and still in English show no lexical relationship, such a relationship is tangible in TSM and German, as in 夭未 iau 2 be 7 still not ‘not…yet’ and 夭 iau 2 ‘still’, on the one hand, and noch nicht still not ‘not…yet’ and noch ‘still’, on the other. Parametric variation matters in dealing with language universal. Like still in English, 夭 iau 2 or its compound kin 夭故 iau 2 koh 4 ‘still’ develops the non-aspectual additive and even concessive sense.